India and Pakistan have fought four open wars, all stemming from the central issue over the control of the state of Jammu and Kashmir. Given the fact that the security paradigm has been completely changed with the unveiling of nuclear arsenals on both sides of the border, this five-decade long conflict has disastrous possibilities if ignored. This paper assesses a number of possible solutions for the conflict and examines each one in the context of the recent geo-political developments.

The paper focuses on the key aspects of the Kashmir conflict, looking first at the historical origins and legacy of the partition of the Sub-continent in 1947. The various legal and procedural events which have shaped the political atmosphere of the region are in particular focus in this section. The paper then examines the concept of the right to self determination, and this is done in the specific context of the quagmire brought on by the US-sponsored ‘war on terror’s’ blurring of the line between freedom fighter and terrorist. The paper also looks at the efforts to internationalise this conflict, and examines the impacts of external involvement in the current manifestation of the conflict.

The paper then looks at the following five proposals for resolution of the dispute:

  • UN Resolutions: the Plebiscite option – the paper notes that numerous UN resolutions support the expression of self-determination by the Kashmiri population, and the biggest hurdle is India’s suspicion of Pakistani interference
  • The UN Trusteeship Option – the paper notes that both India and Pakistan will not voluntarily give up their claims, therefore a UN-sponsored resolution, including this one, is highly unlikely
  • The Partition Option – the paper identifies four proposals within this section which include: a division-related option for Jammu and Kashmir; a ‘Trieste-type’ solution (soft borders); converting the current Line of Control into the international border; and dividing up Jammu and Kashmir along ethnic/cultural, religious, and linguistic lines
  • The Independence Option – the paper notes that neither Pakistan or India would be willing to see the emergence of a third state
  • The Irish Model (the Good Friday agreement) – the paper notes that India could be comfortable with proposals which envisage a greater degree of autonomy, but not direct cessation to Pakistan

The author concludes by emphasising the inclusion of Kashmiris in discussions and negotiations on the future of the contested region. The paper also suggests that India needs to overtly recognise that without Pakistan, which is an integral party to the dispute, there cannot be a durable solution of the Kashmir conflict.

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